Chinas Engagement in Afrika: Eine neue Form der Entwicklungshilfe? (German Edition)

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Interventions 13 3 Holden, P. In search of structural power: EU aid policy as a global political instrument. Aldershot: Ashgate. Hurt, S. Co-operation and coercion? Third World Quarterly 24 1 — Van der Wusten. Political Geography of Panregions. Geographical Review 80 1 Whiteman, K. Adebajo and K.

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Whiteman, Zischka, A. Oldenburg: Gerhard Stalling Verlag. The figure is based on interviews with a total of informants 36 European diplomats and 88 Kenyan cooperation partners , conducted mostly in the Kenyan capital of Nairobi between For more information, please see Bachmann Panregional Fantasies as an Early European Integration Project First articulations on a possible Eurafrican panregion emerged in the context of calls for the Paneuropean Union in the interwar period of the s Coudenhove-Kalergi , Even within the Commission, the shortcomings of the document were obvious, as an official of the Directorate-General for Development recounted: The EU-Africa strategy was not impressive, it had been developed fairly quickly under British presidency and basically just expressed the consensus at the time.

Author interview, July Ironically, the strategy, entitled Strategic Partnership , lacked African partners. Coudenhove-Kalergi, R. Wien: Pan-Europa-Verlag. Europa Erwachet! Wien: Paneuropa-Verlag. The EU Strategy for Africa, ed. Haushofer, K. Critical Geopolitics. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Published on March 1, Tags: africa , colonialism , commentary , eurafrica , europe , integration , panregion.

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All Rights Reserved. Indeed, growing trade and investment ties between African countries, and the rising powers of north and south Asia have been part of a change in economic trajectory for many countries in Africa in recent years. What underpins this apparent shift, how deep does it go, and with what implications?

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Skip to main content. January October October to June Campus Westend, Seminarhaus, SH 0. May May to Goethe University Frankfurt. Call for Papers. April Bhabha just published. Campus Westend, Seminarhaus SH 2. December Campus Westend, Seminarhaus, SH 3.

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    December to September to September Keynote Lecture by Homi K. Bhabha Harvard University , 28 September.

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    Campus Westend, HZ 3. Campus Westend, Casino 1. Although Japan quickly recognised Angola's independence in , Luanda did not open an embassy in Tokyo until , and Japan, likewise, did not open one in Luanda until These licences run until In Angola's clearance of a USD 2. However, to receive this last loan, Angola has had to meet three conditions. It had to start issuing multiple-entry visas for Japanese citizens, improve international remittance services, and revise private-investment laws to facilitate Japanese businesses and counter China's growing presence in Angola ibid.

    Additionally, six memoranda of understanding MoU in energy and finance were signed to increase economic partnerships.

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    Cape Verde's one-party system until and its small market explain Japan's lack of interest in the archipelago. Prime Minister Abe replied with a yen loan to improve water supplies with Japanese technology. The fact that neither country was a traditional recipient of Japanese ODA cannot justify the low levels of ODA they have received since the s, as Japan was one of the first developed countries to recognise the independence of each Seabra Furthermore, theoretically, under the TICAD framework, all African countries regardless of their geographical size and fragility of income should be treated equally.

    So how can this be explained? Like Japan, China reacted to the adjustments that Japan, France, and the United States were making to their African policies and accepted suggestions from African leaders to establish its own partnerships Anshan et al. As for China, its vulnerability in the international system explains the launch of FOCAC as a diplomatic instrument — first, to consolidate its engagement in Africa while resisting American dominance; second, to encourage African countries to follow the Chinese development model; and, third, to contain and limit Taiwan Taylor The TICAD development model, based on Japanese aid and development experience with other Asian countries, links the post-Washington Consensus emphasis on sustainable development with its belief in reducing poverty through economic growth, and is much more attractive to African countries seeking a mutual and symmetric relationship Osei-Hwedie and Osei-Hwedi ; King Furthermore, both partnerships use South—South cooperation to enhance Africa's self-reliance Anshan et al.

    To claim the Chinese development model is better than Japan's is to ignore not only TICAD's achievements in African development both at the governmental level and in field offices Raposo a , as Maria Gustava, Asia desk director at the Foreign Ministry in Mozambique, has stated cit. But by launching FOCAC in , Beijing provided a new cooperation model promoting increased bilateral economic and trade cooperation, precisely what Africans Anshan et al. Finally, the Japanese premier's recent tours in Africa simply cannot match China's state visit diplomacy — promoting Sino-African business interaction through continuous tours since Anshan et al.

    In , the Nacala region in Mozambique was made into an SEZ to help the country transition from agriculture to industry.

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    Cape Verde has also expressed strong interest in having an SEZ; despite its outstanding progress towards meeting MDGs, the decision would seem more politico-economic than developmental, as the archipelago is resource-poor. PPPs as instruments for expanding the Japan Business Federation's economic presence are essential to Japan's national security.

    Also, aside from promoting joint economic forums to encourage mutual investment opportunities in Mozambique and Angola, Japan has been appointing ambassadors from the private sector to be effectively present. China's and Japan's aid allocation and trade volume with PALOP countries helps us understand the nature of their relationships.

    The high volume of aid from China and Japan towards social sectors in PALOP states illustrates their efforts towards poverty reduction. However, both donors also have economic motives.